The large-scale personnel changes of the past week made a number of regions and serious departments shudder. Russian President Vladimir Putin once again put the principle of personnel rotation into practice. This time, the change of composition does not occur according to the classical canons - despite the proximity of the federal elections, both the heads of the regions and the key coordinators of the processes in the territory - the plenipotentiary representatives of the president - are changing. The most violent reaction was caused by the news about a possible change of the plenipotentiary representative in Privolzhsky federal district Mikhail Babich.
Despite the fact that most experts agree that these personnel decisions at the federal level have been brewing for a long time, they came as a surprise to many. Among journalists and political scientists, the massive personnel changes in the last week of July have already been dubbed “salvos.”
Swift and pre-thought-out personnel decisions are the signature style of the Russian President
New leaders took up positions in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation at once: strategically important Sevastopol, in the Kaliningrad, Yaroslavl and Kirov regions. Of the quite expected, perhaps, only the last - after Nikita Belykh, the region was tensely waiting for a new leader.
Besides, Vladimir Putin replaced four presidential plenipotentiaries in federal districts. Former governor of the Kaliningrad region Nikolay Tsukanov was appointed presidential envoy to the Northwestern Federal District. In this post, he replaced the plenipotentiary representative with Nizhny Novgorod roots Vladimir Bulavin, which as a result of the reshuffle of the federal department Customs Service at a difficult and crucial moment for her.
The Crimean Peninsula has now officially become part of the Southern Federal District, which is headed by the former Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice Vladimir Ustinov.
Presidential Envoy to Crimea Oleg Belavintsev received an equivalent assignment to the Caucasus.
Now the former governor of Sevastopol Sergei Menyailo appointed presidential envoy to the Siberian Federal District.
It is obvious that the head of state made the main personnel decision at the end of the cannonade of high-profile resignations and appointments. If all other decisions went around Ukraine, then the last one concerned it in the most intimate and direct way. The key point concerned the Volga Federal District, or rather, its first person.
Vladimir Putin has prepared a reset of the diplomatic course between Russia and Square.
The social feast is over
The rumor that personnel news has not been exhausted appeared in a number of media outlets on Thursday evening last week. And already on Friday, a number of sources confirmed that the candidacy of the Volga plenipotentiary Mikhail Babich flawlessly passed to the post of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Ukraine in both houses of the Russian parliament.
We would like to remind you that the current Volga region plenipotentiary representative may be replaced in this post by Mikhail Zurabov. Many experts note that in the new realities of relations between Russia and Ukraine, Zurabov turned out to be unable to conduct a constructive dialogue between the parties. The aggravation of relations between two fraternal countries in last years is largely uncontrollable. And here soft diplomacy no longer gives results. The dead-end path of negotiations resembles a conversation between a blind man and a deaf-mute. A new figure in the foreign policy arena should also represent a new path for clear agreements between countries on a number of important economic, intercultural and political issues.
Diplomacy with muscle goes to Ukraine together with Mikhail Babich
This character is fully personified by Mikhail Babich, a native of the security forces, an experienced apparatchik who diplomatically showed himself in the civil service in Russia. Many international experts at the federal level greeted the news of Babich’s possible new appointment with enthusiasm, emphasizing that such a candidacy for the Russian Ambassador to Ukraine could really do a lot to improve relations between the two countries. But, as usual, there were also opponents. First of all, from the Ukrainian side, and secondly, in Russia itself.
The news that Mikhail Babich may soon change his place of work has become a litmus test both on the Ukrainian side and within the country. In Square, as expected, the potential ambassador was greeted with buckets of mud long before his appointment. The information background, previously created in Russia around the figure of Babich, on the banks of the Dnieper echoed with echoes of dirty publications and compromising evidence, which in its assessments had nothing in common with the biography of the Volga presidential envoy.
On the Volga, these notes were quickly picked up by Babich’s political opponents.
It is no secret that the story of the presidential envoy to the Volga Federal District has become very unusual for the inhabitants of the Volga region. Sergey Kiriyenko, Alexander Konovalov, Grigory Rapota. The narrow circle of Mikhail Babich's predecessors was strikingly different in their manner and ideas about the tasks of the presidential plenipotentiary representative.
Kiriyenko was hyperpoliticized and focused on the Nizhny Novgorod region, where he lived and began his career.
Konovalov turned out to be detached from worldly affairs, but a rather systematic functionary.
Rapota quickly fell under the influence of local elites and the atmosphere of the right wing of the White House of the Nizhny Novgorod Kremlin.
For 4.5 years in his high-ranking status, Mikhail Babich managed to achieve the almost incredible: he aligned the district’s subjects politically, without giving any of them a special status. Most spent his time on endless business trips and meetings throughout the district. His circle was mostly far from local politics (which local politics could not forgive him for).
The fact is that it was Babich who first refused the status of “beloved wife” to the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Like any rejected woman, the Nizhny Novgorod region was never able to forgive the plenipotentiary representative, who did not single her out among Tatarstan, Udmurtia, Penza and other regions, objectively assessing the development of the subjects and, if possible, without interfering in the political squabbles of local princelings. The only moment when the plenipotentiary made his first and, apparently, last political statement on Nizhny Novgorod soil concerned the scandalous situation of confrontation between the current governor Valeria Shantseva and his proteges at the head of the regional center - Oleg Sorokin And Oleg Kondrashov. Then Mikhail Babich made his point in local politics, which was happily picked up by the local media.
Thanks to the plenipotentiary at a critical moment internecine war cities and regions, the status quo for the current head of the region was staked out at the federal level
But the gnawing resentment of the dubious characters of the local political elite, as you understand, lay hidden for a long time. Needless to say that both recipients of the unflattering definition of the plenipotentiary at one time became involved in high-profile and dubious corruption and even criminal cases? However, the tough and principled position of the presidential representative was and remains not to the liking of many of these characters, with whom the local elite is generously saturated.
They greeted the new possible appointment of Mikhail Babich with no less impudent rustling than in the radically minded Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
I would not like to paint the image of an enemy when it comes to the desire for constructive peace, but this is precisely the definition that comes to mind, not only in the aggressive political junta outside Russia, but also within the country.
Babich was on the Volga - just the fish that was needed so that the crucian would not doze off
Many experts note that the choice of the head of state in favor of the new ambassador speaks of special trust in Mikhail Babich. Relations with Ukraine today are placed at the forefront of the country’s foreign policy and largely determine economic situation Russia. Today too much depends on how effectively the dialogue between the two countries will be built.
Chairman of the Russian State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs Leonid Slutsky has already given his assessment of the possible appointment: he is confident that “Mikhail Babich is a very strong candidate and he will do a lot to ensure that extremely difficult relations between countries begin to improve in accordance with common sense.” At the same time, calling not to accept criticism of the candidacy of the new Russian ambassador from the Verkhovna Rada, because marginalized political parties will not accept any candidacy that comes from Moscow, creating PR for themselves among their electorate.
The information that the Russian President intends to send a new ambassador to Ukraine has already received a portion of negative assessments. Anticipating official procedure approval of the Ukrainian side, July 29 Moscow and Kyiv have preliminary consent (agreman) to the appointment of Mikhail Babich.
Until now, there has been no official response from the Ukrainian side.
For those who are envious, this is how the residence of the Russian Ambassador to Ukraine looks out of status today. It will take a lot of effort to change this
It is worth recalling that the procedure for appointing a new ambassador can take quite a long period of time. If we recall the situation when in place Viktor Chernomyrdin took over Mikhail Zurabov, the period from the moment of the ambassador's resignation until the presentation of the new credentials lasted from July 9, 2009 to January 25, 2010. Then Russia lived for more than six months without a plenipotentiary ambassador to Ukraine, and, in general, nothing happened. Of course, the current situation hardly tolerates such delays.
However, for those who have already shown their grin at the current plenipotentiary and probably the future Russian ambassador to Ukraine, the time has not yet come to rejoice. And it is not a fact that such a time will come for them at all.
Mikhail Babich, in any uniform, knows how to hit the target. How to go to this goal in the shortest possible way
Photo: om-saratov.ru, newsru.ua, gfi56.pfo.ru, pravdapfo.ru, penzanews.ru, qwas.ru, vladnews.ru, publikatsii.ru, penzanews.ru
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Member of the United Russia party. Candidate of Economic Sciences.Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Belarus 2018-2019.
Acting State Advisor of the Russian Federation, 1st class.
Mikhail Babich was born on May 28, 1969 in the city of Ryazan. After school in 1990 he graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications named after Marshal of the Soviet Union Matvey Zakharov. For the next four years, he served in the Airborne Forces and the troops of the State Security Committee of the USSR.
From 1995 to 1998 he headed the Antey Corporation CJSC in Moscow. In 1998 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law. He also has diplomas from the State Academy of Management and Military Academy General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces. Candidate of Economic Sciences.
In 1998, Babich was appointed first vice-president of the Rosmyasomoltorg company, and at the same time was chairman of the supervisory board of Shuya Calico OJSC. A year later I switched to public service. From 1999 to January 2000, he was the first deputy general director of the state unitary enterprise “Federal Agency for Regulation of the Food Market” under the Ministry Agriculture and food Russian Federation.
Then, for a year, he acted as First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Moscow Region for the financial and economic block. Since 2001, he became the first deputy head of the administration of the Ivanovo region and the head of the regional representative office in Moscow. From November 2002 to February 2003, he was Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic. In July 2003, he was appointed assistant minister economic development and trade of Russia.
From 2003 to 2011, Mikhail Viktorovich was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the IV, V and VI convocations. First, according to the Kineshma single-mandate electoral district No. 81 - Ivanovo region, and then according to the party list " United Russia" He was Deputy Chairman of the Defense Committee and a member of the Commission for the review of budget expenditures aimed at ensuring the defense and state security of the Russian Federation.
On December 15, 2011, Mikhail Babich was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President in the Volga Federal District, and on December 29 of the same year, by Decree of the President of Russia, he was appointed Chairman State Commission on chemical disarmament.
In mid-January 2012, Mikhail Viktorovich was awarded the class rank of Active State Advisor of the Russian Federation, 1st class.
On August 24, 2018, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin appointed Mikhail Babich Ambassador of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Belarus. At the same time, he received the position of special representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the Republic of Belarus.
By the Decree of the President of Russia dated April 30, 2019, Mikhail Babich was relieved of his duties as the Russian Ambassador to Belarus, as well as from the post of Special Representative of the President of Russia for the development of trade and economic cooperation with the Republic of Belarus.
Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev by Order No. 1300-r, published June 17, 2019, appointed former ambassador Russia in Minsk Mikhail Babich as Deputy Minister of Economic Development of Russia.
Mikhail Babich Awards
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2017)
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (August 12, 2011)
Order of Honor
Order of Friendship (July 25, 2006) - for active participation in legislative activities and many years of conscientious work
Medal of Honor"
Medal "In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow"
Certificate of Honor from the President of the Russian Federation (January 9, 2010) - for services to lawmaking and the development of Russian parliamentarism
Certificate of Honor from the Government of the Russian Federation
Medal "For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth"
Medal "For Distinction in Military Service" 1st class
personalized weapon
Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, III degree (August 28, 2014) - in consideration of the assistance of the Nizhny Novgorod diocese and in connection with the 45th anniversary of his birth
Ryazan, Russian SFSR, USSR
State Academy of Management
Russia Russia (since -1995)
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Mikhail Viktorovich Babich(born May 28, Ryazan, RSFSR, USSR) - Russian statesman. Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District since December 15, 2011.
Education
- In 1990 he graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications;
- In 1998 he graduated from the Faculty of Law;
- In 2000, he graduated from the State Academy of Management with a degree in financial management;
- In 2005, he graduated from the faculty of retraining and advanced training of the Military Academy of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.
Career
From 1990 to 1994 he served in the Airborne Forces. Since 1995, an entrepreneur, until 1998 he headed the Antey Corporation CJSC in Moscow.
From 2000 to 2001 - First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Moscow Region (for the financial and economic block).
From November 2002 to February 2003 - Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic.
In July 2003, he was appointed Assistant Minister of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation.
On December 7, 2003, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fourth convocation in the Kineshma single-mandate electoral district No. 81 (Ivanovo region).
On December 29, 2011, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1709, he was appointed Chairman of the State Commission for Chemical Disarmament.
After the dismissal of Russian Ambassador to Ukraine Mikhail Zurabov on July 28, 2016, the Russian press named Mikhail Babich as a contender for this position, which was publicly confirmed by the press secretary of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Dmitry Peskov. A day later, his candidacy was proposed for consideration by the State Duma along with a request to receive an agrement from Ukraine.
The Ukrainian expert community has expressed a number of reasons why Mikhail Babich may be denied by the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry to receive an agrement:
- Candidate biography, lack of any diplomatic experience.
- The public announcement of an unconfirmed and unapproved ambassadorial candidacy is a violation of diplomatic rules.
- As a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation, Mikhail Babich in 2014 took part in the decision to support Crimea, its decision to secede from Ukraine and the deployment of Russian peacekeepers there.
On August 4, Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine Elena Zerkal announced that the question of approving Mikhail Babich as ambassador was withdrawn at the initiative of her country. On August 5, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry announced its decision: the Russian Federation in this country will be represented by the current Charge d'Affaires Sergei Toropov. A similar situation has occurred at the Ukrainian Embassy in the Russian Federation since December 2015.
Awards
State- Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (August 12, 2011)
- Order of Friendship (July 25, 2006) - for active participation in legislative activities and many years of conscientious work
- Certificate of Honor from the President of the Russian Federation (January 9, 2010) - for services to lawmaking and development of Russian parliamentarism
- Personalized weapon
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Excerpt characterizing Babich, Mikhail Viktorovich
“Well, that’s it now,” said Kutuzov, signing the last paper, and, standing up heavily and straightening the folds of his white plump neck, he headed towards the door with a cheerful face.The priest, with blood rushing to her face, grabbed the dish, which, despite the fact that she had been preparing it for so long, she still did not manage to serve on time. And with a low bow she presented it to Kutuzov.
Kutuzov's eyes narrowed; he smiled, took her chin with his hand and said:
- And what a beauty! Thank you, my dear!
He took out several gold pieces from his trouser pocket and placed them on her plate.
- Well, how are you living? - said Kutuzov, heading towards the room reserved for him. Popadya, smiling with dimples on her rosy face, followed him into the upper room. The adjutant came out to Prince Andrei on the porch and invited him to have breakfast; Half an hour later, Prince Andrei was called again to Kutuzov. Kutuzov was lying on a chair in the same unbuttoned frock coat. He held a French book in his hand and, at Prince Andrei’s entrance, he laid it with a knife and rolled it up. It was “Les chevaliers du Cygne”, the composition of Madame de Genlis [“Knights of the Swan”, Madame de Genlis], as Prince Andrei saw from the wrapper.
“Well, sit down, sit here, let’s talk,” said Kutuzov. - It's sad, very sad. But remember, my friend, that I am your father, another father... - Prince Andrei told Kutuzov everything he knew about the death of his father, and about what he saw in the Bald Mountains, driving through them.
- What... what have they brought us to! - Kutuzov suddenly said in an excited voice, obviously having clearly imagined, from the story of Prince Andrei, the situation in which Russia was. “Give me time, give me time,” he added with an angry expression on his face and, obviously not wanting to continue this conversation that worried him, said: “I called you to keep you with me.”
“I thank your lordship,” answered Prince Andrey, “but I’m afraid that I’m no longer fit for headquarters,” he said with a smile, which Kutuzov noticed. Kutuzov looked at him questioningly. “And most importantly,” added Prince Andrei, “I got used to the regiment, fell in love with the officers, and the people, it seems, loved me.” I would be sorry to leave the regiment. If I refuse the honor of being with you, then believe me...
An intelligent, kind and at the same time subtly mocking expression shone on Kutuzov’s plump face. He interrupted Bolkonsky:
– I’m sorry, I would need you; but you're right, you're right. This is not where we need people. There are always many advisers, but no people. The regiments wouldn’t be the same if all the advisers served there in regiments like you. “I remember you from Austerlitz... I remember, I remember, I remember you with the banner,” said Kutuzov, and a joyful color rushed into Prince Andrei’s face at this memory. Kutuzov pulled him by the hand, offering him his cheek, and again Prince Andrei saw tears in the old man’s eyes. Although Prince Andrei knew that Kutuzov was weak to tears and that he was now especially caressing him and feeling sorry for him out of a desire to show sympathy for his loss, Prince Andrei was both joyful and flattered by this memory of Austerlitz.
- Go your way with God. I know your path is a path of honor. – He paused. “I felt sorry for you in Bukarest: I should have sent you.” - And, changing the conversation, Kutuzov began to talk about the Turkish war and the concluded peace. “Yes, they reproached me a lot,” said Kutuzov, “both for the war and for the peace... but everything came on time.” Tout vient a point a celui qui sait attendre. [Everything comes on time for someone who knows how to wait.] And there were no fewer advisers there than here... - he continued, returning to the advisers who, apparently, were keeping him busy. - Oh, advisers, advisers! - he said. If we had listened to everyone, we would not have concluded peace there, in Turkey, and we would not have ended the war. Everything is quick, but quick things take a long time. If Kamensky had not died, he would have disappeared. He stormed the fortress with thirty thousand. Taking a fortress is not difficult, but winning a campaign is difficult. And for this you don’t need to storm and attack, but you need patience and time. Kamensky sent soldiers to Rushchuk, and I sent them alone (patience and time) and took more fortresses than Kamensky, and forced the Turks to eat horse meat. – He shook his head. - And the French will be there too! “Believe my word,” said Kutuzov, inspired, hitting himself on the chest, “they will eat my horse meat!” “And again his eyes began to blur with tears.
- However, before the battle will have to be accepted? - said Prince Andrei.
- It will have to be, if everyone wants it, there is nothing to do... But, my dear: there is nothing stronger than those two warriors, patience and time; they will do everything, but the advisers n "entendent pas de cette oreille, voila le mal. [They don’t hear with this ear - that’s what’s bad.] Some want, others don’t want. What to do? - he asked, apparently expecting an answer. “Yes, what do you tell me to do?” he repeated, and his eyes sparkled with a deep, intelligent expression. “I’ll tell you what to do,” he said, since Prince Andrei still did not answer. “I’ll tell you what to do and what am I doing. Dans le doute, mon cher,” he paused, “abstiens toi, [In doubt, my dear, refrain.],” he said with emphasis.
- Well, goodbye, my friend; remember that with all my soul I bear your loss with you and that I am not your Serene Highness, not a prince or commander-in-chief, but I am your father. If you need anything, come straight to me. Goodbye, my dear. “He hugged and kissed him again. And before Prince Andrei even had time to walk out the door, Kutuzov sighed reassuringly and took up Madame Genlis’s unfinished novel “Les chevaliers du Cygne” again.
How and why this happened, Prince Andrei could not explain in any way; but after this meeting with Kutuzov, he returned to his regiment reassured about the general course of the matter and about who was entrusted with it. The more he saw the absence of everything personal in this old man, in whom there seemed to be only the habits of passions and instead of the mind (grouping events and drawing conclusions) only the ability to calmly contemplate the course of events, the more calm he was that everything would be as it was. there should be. “He won’t have anything of his own. “He won’t come up with anything, won’t do anything,” thought Prince Andrei, “but he will listen to everything, remember everything, put everything in its place, won’t interfere with anything useful and won’t allow anything harmful.” He understands that there is something stronger and more significant than his will - this is the inevitable course of events, and he knows how to see them, knows how to understand their meaning and, in view of this meaning, knows how to renounce participation in these events, from his personal waves aimed at other. And the main thing,” thought Prince Andrey, “why you believe him, is that he is Russian, despite the novel Zhanlis and French sayings; this is that his voice trembled when he said: “What have they brought to this!”, and that he began to sob, saying that he would “force them to eat horse meat.” It was on this same feeling, which everyone more or less vaguely experienced, that the unanimity and general approval that accompanied the popular election of Kutuzov as commander-in-chief, contrary to court considerations, was based.
After the sovereign’s departure from Moscow, Moscow life continued as before, in the usual way, and the course of this life was so ordinary that it was difficult to remember former days patriotic enthusiasm and enthusiasm, and it was difficult to believe that Russia was really in danger and that the members English club At the same time, they are sons of the fatherland, ready for any sacrifice for it. One thing that was reminiscent of the general enthusiastic patriotic mood that existed during the sovereign’s stay in Moscow was the demand for donations of people and money, which, as soon as they were made, took on a legal, official form and seemed inevitable.
As the enemy approached Moscow, the Muscovites’ view of their situation not only did not become more serious, but, on the contrary, became even more frivolous, as is always the case with people who see a great danger approaching. When danger approaches, two voices always speak equally strongly in a person’s soul: one very reasonably says that a person should consider the very nature of the danger and the means to get rid of it; another says even more wisely that it is too difficult and painful to think about danger, whereas it is not in the power of man to foresee everything and save himself from the general course of affairs, and therefore it is better to turn away from the difficult, until it comes, and think about the pleasant. In solitude, a person mostly gives himself to the first voice, in society, on the contrary, to the second. So it was now with the residents of Moscow. It's been a long time since we had as much fun in Moscow as we did this year.
Rastopchinsky posters with the image at the top of a drinking house, a kisser and a Moscow tradesman Karpushka Chigirin, who, having been in the warriors and having drunk an extra hook on a poke, heard that Bonaparte wanted to go to Moscow, got angry, scolded all the French with bad words, left the drinking house and spoke under the eagle to the assembled people, read and discussed along with the last burima of Vasily Lvovich Pushkin.
In the club, in the corner room, they were going to read these posters, and some liked how Karpushka made fun of the French, saying that they would bloat from cabbage, they would burst from porridge, they would suffocate from cabbage soup, that they were all dwarfs and that one woman would throw a pitchfork at the three of them . Some did not approve of this tone and said that it was vulgar and stupid. They said that Rostopchin expelled the French and even all foreigners from Moscow, that among them there were spies and agents of Napoleon; but they told this mainly in order to convey on this occasion the witty words spoken by Rostopchin upon their departure. The foreigners were sent on a barge to Nizhny, and Rastopchin told them: “Rentrez en vous meme, entrez dans la barque et n"en faites pas une barque ne Charon.” [enter yourself and into this boat and try so that this boat does not became Charon's boat for you.] They said that they had already expelled all government posts from Moscow, and immediately added Shinshin's joke that for this alone Moscow should be grateful to Napoleon. They said that Mamonov's regiment would cost eight hundred thousand, that Bezukhov would cost even more spent on his warriors, but the best thing about Bezukhov’s action is that he himself will dress in a uniform and ride on horseback in front of the regiment and will not take anything for places from those who will look at him.
Mikhail Viktorovich Babich is an employee, a member of the United Russia party.
Childhood
ABOUT early years Little is known about Babich. The future employee was born in the city of Ryazan in one thousand nine hundred and sixty-nine on May twenty-eighth.
Education
At Babich's 4 formations, while 2 of them are military, in addition, he received qualifications as an economist and lawyer.
- His initial education was graduation from RVVKUS, a higher military school, which he graduated from in nineteen ninety.
- In nineteen ninety-eight he graduated from MIEMP, where he received a lawyer’s education.
- Afterwards he entered the State Agrarian University, an academy where he successfully completed his studies in the year 2000.
- The fourth education was retraining at the Military Academy, where he acquired a qualification as an economist.
Career
The politician’s work life has been more than successful throughout his life.
- The first five years after college he served in the KGB troops.
- While studying at the Faculty of Law until 1998, he headed CJSC "Corporation "Antey"", located in the capital of the Motherland.
- After another year he worked as vice president of a large company involved in the sale of food products.
- Babich’s political path began in nineteen ninety-nine. This year he becomes deputy director general at the Ministry of Agriculture.
- In 2000 he was appointed to a high position in Moscow.
- After this, he transferred to Ivanovo, where in 2003 he became a deputy.
- Joined the party in two thousand and seven "United Russia" and is elected again, and then appointed as an adviser.
- In two thousand sixteen they tried to appoint him ambassador to Ukraine. The candidacy was approved and publicly confirmed by Dmitry Peskov, but the Ukrainian side, citing Mikhail Viktorovich’s active actions and support for the decision to secede Crimea, did not approve the candidacy.
In addition, Ukrainian politicians were confused by Babich’s biography, especially the fact that they served in the FSB and took part during the Chechen War, considering him a “harbinger of war.”
Mikhail Babich received several confirmations of successful work, and in general was awarded more than ten significant awards.
Compromising evidence
At the same time, in the politician’s biography there are also not very attractive stories that can negatively characterize Babich as a person:
- First a loud scandalous case, where Babich became a defendant, there was the misappropriation of 2 billion rubles received from the sale of aid to a Russian pensioner and the United States and European countries during the leadership of Rosmyasomoltorg. The products were sold to front companies, and the money disappeared in an unknown direction. Mikhail himself denied his guilt, as a result of which another person suffered the punishment.
- Political activity was also not cloudless. Thus, the transfer of the deputy chairman from the Moscow region to the Ivanovo region is associated with a scandal and the conviction of the politician “for gross violation of labor duties.” Later, the charges were dropped in court, however, Babich no longer remained in Moscow.
- During 2 years of work in the Ivanovo region, Babich was accused of economic fraud, a warrant was even issued for his arrest. However, at the request of the governor of the Ivanovo region, he managed to avoid imprisonment and Mikhail Viktorovich was transferred to Chechnya.
- But even in the Chechen Republic, leaving the post is associated with a scandal due to Babich’s loud statements, in connection with the resignation of Abramov, the Minister of Finance of the Chechen Republic, which was not agreed with him.
- The high-profile case was also connected with an attempt to run for office deputy in the Ryazan region. However, he was stopped from participating in the elections by a high-profile trial in connection with Mikhail Viktorovich’s support a year before the elections of Georgy Shpak, who was later accused of “dumping” his sponsor, Natalya Suchkova.
Due to the uproar, there was an attempt to annul the election results. After the loud scandal, Babich, who fully supported Shpak, did not dare to nominate his candidacy.
And, despite the loud scandals associated with the name of Mikhail Viktorovich Babich, he still remains in the political circle and is being offered new appointments.
In 1990 he graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications named after Marshal of the Soviet Union M.V. Zakharov, in 1998 - the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law, in 2000 - the State Academy of Management, in 2005 - the Faculty of Retraining and Advanced Studies qualifications of the Military Academy of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. Candidate of Economic Sciences.
In 1986–1995, he served in command positions in the Airborne Forces and the KGB troops of the USSR, and took part in combat operations.
From 1995 to 1998, he headed the Antey Corporation CJSC in Moscow.
In 1998–1999 – First Vice President of OJSC Russian Trade and Industrial Company Rosmyasomoltorg.
1999 – January 2000 – First Deputy General Director of the State Unitary Enterprise “Federal Agency for Regulation of the Food Market” under the Ministry of Agriculture and Food of Russia.
January 2000 – December 2000 – Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Moscow Region.
January 2001 – November 2002 – First Deputy Head of the Administration of the Ivanovo Region, Head of the Representative Office of the Administration of the Ivanovo Region to the Government of the Russian Federation.
November 2002 – February 2003 – Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic.
February 2003 – December 2003 – Assistant Director of the Border Service of the FSB of Russia, Assistant Minister of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation.
2003–2011 – deputy State Duma Federal Assembly RF. Member of the United Russia faction, deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on Defense.
From December 15, 2011 – authorized representative President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District.
On December 29, 2011, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 1709, he was appointed Chairman of the State Commission for Chemical Disarmament.
Since January 19, 2012, he has been an active state adviser of the Russian Federation, 1st class.
Awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree, Order of Honor, Order of Friendship, Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, III degree, medals “For Courage”, “For Distinction in Military Service”, “For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth”, “In Memory of 850th anniversary of Moscow", a certificate of honor from the President of the Russian Federation, a certificate of honor from the government of the Russian Federation, and a personalized weapon.
Publications with mentions on fedpress.ru
TOGLYATTI, April 19, RIA FederalPress. On April 18, a general agreement on cooperation on the development of Togliatti was concluded in Moscow between the government of Samara...
ORENBURG, April 20, RIA FederalPress. In the Volga region, state support for socially oriented organizations has been increased non-profit organizations, the press service of the embassy reports...
ORENBURG, April 20, RIA FederalPress. The head of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Emergency Situations for the Orenburg Region, Pyotr Ivanov, was released on bail of 500 thousand rubles, reports the press service of the Investigative Committee of the Investigative Committee...
MOSCOW, April 22, RIA FederalPress. On Thursday, April 21, in Moscow, on the initiative of the Presidential Envoy to the Volga Federal District, Mikhail Babich, a meeting was held with the Minister of Finance of the Russian Federation...
KIROV, April 22, RIA FederalPress. Mikhail Babich instructed to deal with the delays in wages at the Muryginskaya paper mill, the press service of the embassy reports...
NABEREZHNYE CHELNY, April 22, RIA FederalPress. Mikhail Babich took part in the opening ceremony of the Haier plant in Tatarstan, reports the press service of the Volga Federal District embassy. Factory...
UFA, April 27, RIA FederalPress. Among the speakers at the Russian Petroleum and Gas Chemical Forum, which will be held in Ufa from May 24 to 27, is Deputy Prime Minister Arkady...
MOSCOW, April 28, RIA FederalPress. On April 27, 2016 in Moscow, the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District, Chairman...
OKTYABRSKY, April 28, RIA FederalPress. Mikhail Babich visited the Republic of Bashkortostan on a working trip, reports the press service of the Volga Federal District embassy.