More than once he expressed a desire to return to his homeland, noting that upon his return he did not intend to return to politics. However, the new authorities of the country explicitly hinted to him about the undesirability of his appearance in the country.
No criminal cases were initiated against Askar Akaev in Kyrgyzstan, if he returns home, he will be interrogated as a witness, the Prosecutor General's Office reports.
It is specified that he will be invited as a witness in cases relating to several criminal cases, in particular, Kumtor, Bitel and others. The question of attracting criminal liability or initiation of criminal cases will be decided after interrogation, stressed meanwhile in the supervisory authority.
The first president of the republic, Akaev, left Kyrgyzstan with his family after he was overthrown during the so-called "Tulip Revolution" in March 2005 and to this day lives in Moscow, where he is engaged in scientific activities. At home, he was accused of committing especially serious crimes, expressed in allowing the use of firearms against the civilian population, transferring Kyrgyz lands to China and Kazakhstan, as well as “destruction of national wealth, usurpation of state power through the so-called popular referendums.”
Naturally, Akaev denies all accusations against him.
Askar Akaev in Moscow
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After the April 2010 revolution, the Provisional Government, which came to power, adopted a decree lifting the immunity of Askar Akaev, followed by criminal prosecution, which also admits that Akaev usurped power, illegally transferred part of the land to China and Kazakhstan, persecuted his opponents, also to him recalled the shooting of demonstrators in the Aksy region (), and stated the need to take all necessary measures to bring Askar Akaev to justice, as well as his extradition to Kyrgyzstan. However, the main supervisory authority did not receive a specific order on extradition at that time. The Akayev family claimed that the VP decree was just “a piece of paper issued by the illegitimate Provisional Government with ridiculous accusations.”
However, for 11 years, Askar Akaev has not been able to return to Kyrgyzstan, mainly because he fears that political provocations may be staged against him in his homeland.
The first president did not attend the funeral of his second close relative, fearing detention. In 2014, his brother Bolot died, and in 2016, his brother Asankul.
In 2014, lawyer Ikramidin Aitkulov explained Akaev’s non-arrival by saying that “the Russian leadership was unable to obtain a security guarantee from Kyrgyzstan when former President Askar Akaev arrived in the country for his brother’s funeral.”
“Akayev was already at the airport when he received a call from the Russian leadership and was advised not to go, as they were unable to obtain security guarantees. The organizing committee in Bishkek had previously advised against going as well, since they were told in plain text that the arrest of the ex-president was being prepared immediately after the funeral,” Aitkulov said at the time.
In 2014, the Prosecutor General's Office reported that they and the country's law enforcement agencies were investigating a number of criminal cases involving former President Askar Akayev, members of his family and associates. Even earlier it was said that there are 106 such criminal cases.
Of the members of the family of former President Akaev, a criminal case in Kyrgyzstan was initiated against his eldest son, Aidar Akaev, who was a deputy of the Jogorku Kenesh during his father's rule. Immunity was also lifted from him, and Aydar himself was put on the wanted list. The episodes against the son of the former president were singled out in a separate criminal case; he is involved in four cases related to extortion, misappropriation of funds and legalization of illegally obtained income. According to the charges, Akayev Jr. could face 5 to 10 years in prison.
Bermet Akaeva and Aidar Akaev at the first meeting of the Zhogorku Kenesh of the III convocation
In addition to him, the Prosecutor General's Office of Kyrgyzstan is looking for Akaev's son-in-law, Adil Toigonbaev. He is accused of fraud, embezzlement on an especially large scale, as well as tax evasion. From time to time he is detained in Kazakhstan, allegedly to clarify his identity at the request of his Kyrgyz colleagues, but he is immediately released.
It is worth noting that Akaev's eldest daughter, Bermet, and the youngest son, Ilim, freely come and move around Kyrgyzstan. Since 2005, they have come to their homeland more than once, Bermet has given press conferences.
Askar Akaev often expresses his desire to return through the media (unlike the second fugitive President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who does not even stutter about returning), but he does not take concrete actions beyond words. “Of course, Kyrgyzstan is my homeland, I will definitely return when personal security is provided to me and my family,” he notes in various interviews.
That is, Akaev is waiting for security guarantees from the current authorities, but given that the memory of the “Akaev regime” is still fresh among the people, and the authorities do not need an extra migraine before the elections, it is unlikely that he will receive them now ...
Askar Akaev - about how Gorbachev did not have enough place in power, about Kremlin falcons and lame ducks, about the State Emergency Committee in Kyrgyz and conspiracy in Belarusian, about how Niyazov turned into Turkmenbashi, about tobacco for Stalin, and also about what it means to be born in the USSR.
Highbrow experts call it "a process of systemic disintegration" in the economy, social and political spheres. In the minds of the people, a definition is born much more intelligible: twenty years ago, on December 26, 1991, the world experienced a shock: the USSR was gone.
A day earlier, Mikhail Gorbachev announced the termination of his activities as President of the USSR "for reasons of principle", signed a decree on the resignation of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and transferred control to the strategic nuclear weapons Russian President Boris Yeltsin. The next morning, the Council of the Republics of the USSR Armed Forces adopted Declaration No. 142-N on the termination of the existence of the USSR.
However, this was only the final point in the geopolitical tragedy of the "death of the state": it all started much earlier. Askar Akaev, at that time the President of Kyrgyzstan, was not only a witness and participant in these events. By the will of fate, he often found himself between two fires - Yeltsin and Gorbachev. And I am sure that the rarest chance to transform and preserve the Union was missed.
- Askar Akayevich, today many people say that the collapse of the Soviet Union was inevitable. Do you share this opinion?
- Now come up with a lot of myths. I would like to say one thing: until the last moment, before the signing of the Belovezhskaya Accords, the Union Treaty in the form of the Union of Sovereign States - all the leaders of the Central Asian republics were ready to sign! The situation was such that everyone held on to the Union. There were no petrodollars or gas dollars then, and the prospects were vague, and help could come only from Moscow, from Russia. The Union Treaty prepared in Novo-Ogaryovo suited everyone. The Union was no longer preserved as a unitary state, but on a confederal basis. A compromise was found for the distribution of powers between the center and the republics. They received full personnel and economic independence. And Mikhail Sergeevich gave these powers with pleasure. And behind the center remained a common defense, foreign policy, the military-industrial complex and scientific and technological progress.
I believe that the rarest chance to transform and preserve the Union has been missed. And in July 1991, I responsibly declare that everyone, including Leonid Makarovich Kravchuk, was ready to sign such an agreement. The August putsch thwarted this signing. And when they say that Gorbachev knew about the GKChP, that he himself participated in it, I brush it aside. Because he understood perfectly well that this was a unique chance for him, as a politician, to remain in the role of the central government and preserve the Union. The signing of the Union Treaty on August 20 was more important for him than for anyone else!
After the State Emergency Committee, he lost this chance. His authority was already falling, and after the putsch it fell completely. Yeltsin's authority, on the contrary, took off. He became a hero. Clinton was right when he said: "When I think about a new democratic Russia, I always imagine August 1991: President Yeltsin on a tank." Boris Nikolaevich could dictate terms. Leonid Makarovich Kravchuk and others also felt that it was time to fight for independence. But they already demanded full state sovereignty. A union was looming, in which there was no confederal basis. Mikhail Sergeevich fought to keep himself at least a nominal place in this new configuration. It didn't work out... I had and still have respect for him, although I was very close friends with Yeltsin and supported him.
... The first foreign visit of Boris Nikolayevich after the inauguration took place, by the way, in Kyrgyzstan. July 20-21, 1991, a month before the putsch. Others were even offended: they say, how is it, usually Moscow made its first visit to Kyiv or Tashkent, Alma-Ata, and then suddenly such a backwater, Frunze. Yeltsin answered them: "In difficult years, who in the Supreme Soviet could put in a good word for me? Only Askar Akayevich."
I really was a member of the Supreme Soviet when they did not want to approve Yeltsin as the chairman of the construction committee. I was friends with Yury Alekseevich Ryzhov, and he was in the leadership of the interregional deputy group. They - Sakharov, Ryzhov - supported Yeltsin. I also supported. And then Chingiz Aitmatov and I voted for the abolition of the sixth article together with the "inter-regionals". The abolition of the leading role of the party - this was the main task for the Democrats in the first stage.
Well, when Boris Nikolaevich retired, he most often came to rest with us in Kyrgyzstan. I felt my sincere attitude towards him. Yeltsin had an amazingly strong instinct. It was impossible to outwit or deceive. He caught with a sixth sense whether a person speaks from the heart or for formality. I always perceived him as a smart older friend, like an aksakal, as we say. And when in 2005 I was forced to move to Russia, Yeltsin showed great concern for me and my family. I am very grateful to him.
- Wasn't Yeltsin jealous of Gorbachev?
- By the way, Gorbachev's last visit as president of the USSR was also to Kyrgyzstan. November 1991. It was evident that he already felt like a "lame duck". And in my opinion, he was grateful that I did not support the State Emergency Committee.
In August 1991, after Yeltsin, I was the only leader of the republics who spoke out against the putsch. On the 19th I called Boris Nikolaevich, there was no connection, but my assistants were able to get through to his assistants and found out that Yeltsin qualifies everything that was happening as a coup and would fight against the State Emergency Committee. By that time, it was already clear that this was a putsch. The gekachepists had a reference to the fact that Gorbachev was ill and incapacitated. And three days earlier, on August 16, I talked to him for more than an hour. Gorbachev called me about the Union Treaty: "Askar, don't you know what your neighbors think about signing?" He was enthusiastic and spoke with energy. What sick?! I knew immediately that this was a coup!
So, about jealousy... 1994. Mikhail Sergeevich is no longer in power. But he really wanted to relax in Issyk-Kul. The climate there is incomparable, it is easy to breathe. "Okay," I say. "Let's do it. We'll organize the Second Issyk-Kul Forum." I met Gorbachev with all honors. Take it to the lake. He and Aitmatov rested there for a week. Mikhail Sergeevich was pleased, saying: "Askar, I always believed in you. Thank you for showing me such attention."
Some time passes, the CIS summit is going. Yeltsin, Nazarbayev, Kuchma, Karimov are standing. I walk up and say hello.
I reach Boris Nikolaevich, he does not shake hands, he frowned. I realized right away: he did not like that I invited Gorbachev. And then he really took offense. I say: "Boris Nikolaevich, remember, in the difficult years when Gorbachev was president, I strongly supported you without any regard for him. But now he is a pensioner!" 
Then, when Boris Nikolayevich himself retired, he came to Issyk-Kul for three years in a row. Firstly, to treat the heart - it is no coincidence that there is a rehabilitation center for astronauts. The first year is resting, the second. In the third year we somehow sit, drank a little, he says: "You know, Askar, I want to admit that I was wrong once." - "What do you mean, Boris Nikolaevich. It was only Ligachev who said:" Boris, you are wrong. "You were always right." He says: “No, after all, I’m retired now, I’m resting with you. Do you remember how I reproached you for Gorbachev? You were right when you said: he’s a pensioner after all ...”
- But in August 1991, Yeltsin, as never before, was full of strength and energy. He managed to turn the tide. And after all, the leaders of the republics were heavily indoctrinated by the GKacheppists.
- It was done in different ways. I read the story of Leonid Makarovich Kravchuk (see "Itogi", 2011, No. 33. - "Results"): General Varennikov came to see him ... And in my case it was like that. On the morning of the 19th, I was preparing for a trip to Moscow - the next day, the solemn signing of the Union Treaty. And then my vice-president German Kuznetsov calls with news of the State Emergency Committee. I arrive at the Government House, and the chairman of the KGB, General Asankulov, is already waiting for me. Such an imposing man, he worked for many years in the central apparatus of the KGB, was the head of the department, an ally of Kryuchkov. A high position in those days. As early as the beginning of 1991, Kryuchkov, when we met in his office on the Lubyanka, said: "Askar Akayevich, I want to appoint you a strong general, your compatriot, he will be a good and reliable assistant to you." So, Asankulov comes and says: "All power in the country passes into the hands of the State Emergency Committee, and from now on you are obliged to fulfill all its instructions, and control is entrusted to me." And shows encryption. I answered as follows: "Comrade General, as long as I am a popularly elected president, I am in command here, and I am removing you from your post." Somehow this idea popped into my head. I don’t know how: moments like this don’t happen often. He even freaked out. And he came without protection. And I immediately dictate the decree. That's how we took control of the republic. Then someone from the Turkestan military district calls, introduces himself: the commander. But I understand that this is not a commander. He transmits instructions from Marshal Yazov: they say, you are behaving incorrectly, think about the consequences. We give you exactly 24 hours to sort out the situation and obey the decisions of the State Emergency Committee. If this does not happen, we will bring in tanks.
Well, let's think... For now, there is still a day ahead. I made a statement on television that we do not support the Moscow coup. 20-30 thousand people gathered around the Government House, phone calls: "Askar Akayevich, we support you, we are with you, everything is correct."
When the coup failed, I spoke second at the session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The first is Ruslan Khasbulatov from the Russian Federation, since Russia, Yeltsin, played the main role. Mikhail Sergeevich said that Askar Akayevich behaved with dignity, he was the first of the leaders of the republics who condemned the State Emergency Committee, so we give him the floor. Anatoly Sobchak spoke after me. He opposed the GKChP in St. Petersburg.
Of course, Gorbachev continued to persuade everyone to sign the Union Treaty. But the situation has changed. And Kravchuk announced that he should hold a referendum and ask the opinion of the Ukrainian people.
The Eastern republics were ready to save the Union. And in mid-November, we gathered at the State Council and agreed to create a Union of Sovereign States. But the Belovezhskaya agreement crossed everything out. Although if not for it, it would be something else. After the putsch, the process of secession from the center became irreversible. The putsch played a fatal role.
- By the way, why weren't you invited to Belarusian Viskuli?
Everything was done in great secrecy. Apparently, the participants in the Belovezhskaya agreement were not sure that I would support them. The bet was made on the Slavic republics.
On December 9, at one in the morning, Gorbachev called me: "Askar, do you know what your colleagues in Belarus have done?" By this time, some information had leaked to me, but I began to reassure Mikhail Sergeevich that everything was still being formed. After all, the republics were supposed to sign the final agreement on the JIT just about, in December. 
"Askar, where is the place of the center now, my place?" - lamented Mikhail Sergeevich. The next day, Nazarbayev called me: "Three republics formed the Slavic axis. We were crossed out. What are we going to do?" An hour and a half later, a call comes from Niyazov: "We need to work out a common position on Central Asia. I invite all our presidents to my place in Ashgabat on December 13." What to say? "Of course, I will come. My opinion is that we should join the Slavs." Saparmurat Atayevich changed his tone: "Askar, you are still young, you don't know much. We have everything. Therefore, it is worth thinking about an alternative to the Slavs. The Asian Union! We have everything for this!" - the future Turkmenbashi emphasized once again, although at that time his republic was the poorest.
- Why do you have such a craving for Russia?
- Believe me, these are not big words. I was born in the Soviet Union. Studied in Russian. 18 best years life, starting with the student, spent in Leningrad. My parents were ordinary collective farmers. The father is really smart. He graduated from a madrasah and was fluent in Arabic and Latin, because Latin was common in the Turkic republics at that time. Then we all switched to Cyrillic.
My older brother Kuchor died in 1942 defending Leningrad. That is why, thinking about the university, I chose the city on the Neva. Father really wanted one of us to visit the place where the eldest son died, maybe find the grave, bow. And in the 10th grade I dreamed of becoming an aircraft designer, I was thinking about the Moscow Aviation Institute. Then I read several articles by Viktor Mikhailovich Glushkov, an outstanding academician. He wrote very excitingly about the future of cybernetics. This made me completely sick. And as a result, he entered the Leningrad Institute of Precision Mechanics and Optics at the Faculty of Computer Science and Precision Mechanics. The teaching was at the highest level. I was very lucky. My teacher was the outstanding scientist Sergei Alexandrovich Mayorov, head of the department of computer technology and precision mechanics, in which I specialized. He noticed me somewhere in the third year and began to involve me in scientific research. An outstanding thermal physicist worked there, later he became the rector of the institute, Gennady Nikolaevich Dulnev. He became my second teacher. Mayorov and I wrote the world's first monograph on coherent optical computers. And on the basis of this book, I defended my doctoral dissertation.
In Leningrad, I went from student to doctor of science. But he was drawn to his homeland. With the assistance of Mayorov, he opened the first department of computer technology in Kyrgyzstan. Now this is not a problem, the rector decides everything himself. And then only the Minister of Education of the USSR. So Sergei Alexandrovich took me to the minister: they say, this is one of my talented students and we need to help him create a department.
Became the head of the department. Then he was elected to the corresponding members of the Academy of Sciences, then became an academician, then vice-president and president of the Republican Academy. That is, I quickly went this way. The scientific career developed very quickly.
My teacher Sergei Aleksandrovich used to say this: five things are needed for success in science - diligence, talent, a scientific school, good teachers, and one percent luck. If this percentage is not there, even if you are seven spans in the forehead, nothing will work. I had it, and first of all because I met wonderful teachers.
- But the promotion to the President of the Republican Academy of Sciences probably did not go without party support.
- In those years, my colleagues tried hard, knocked out quotas in order to join the CPSU. And again, the percentage of luck fell out for me. Do you know how I joined the party? In the 1980s, automation and computerization began. One day the rector says: "The city committee asks for lectures." What problems? Please. I came to the first secretary of the Frunze City Party Committee. He gave me the schedule. And I began to travel to enterprises, assets. I had slides, excellent for those times, we didn’t see such slides, because only in Leningrad and Moscow this technology was mastered. They listened to me with pleasure. I had to give a lecture to the members of the Central Committee. Everyone was satisfied. The secretary of the city committee invites and says: "Here you are giving lectures to all of us, members of the bureau, members of the Central Committee, and you, it turns out, are non-party. That's not good." And quickly accepted into the party.
And then Mikhail Sergeevich came and focused on accelerating scientific and technological progress. And they decided to appoint me, as a "profile" scientist, head of the department of science and educational institutions of the republican Central Committee. I can't say that I was happy in this staff position. And I breathed a sigh of relief when in 1987 I was elected Vice President, and in 1989 President of the Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan.
- And suddenly, for some reason, I was drawn from my beloved science to politics ...
- Here again, thanks to perestroika and "acceleration". Before that, I had no interest in politics at all. And then Gorbachev's ideas fascinated me. In 1989, the elections of people's deputies of the USSR were taking place. Our academics suggested: let's form our own constituency and let no party crat go there, let's elect Akaev as our representative in Moscow. At that time, it was possible to combine positions, and I was left with the position of President of the Academy of Sciences.
But the first secretary of the Central Committee Absamat Masaliev terribly did not want to see me as a deputy in Moscow. It was mainly the party nomenclature, shepherds and tobacco growers who were promoted. And few of the delegation, with the exception of Chingiz Aitmatov, could freely speak from the rostrum, without a piece of paper, on topical issues. I knew how, and my candidacy bribed the supporters. In a word, they chose. Masaliev says: "Look, no initiative, we will send you instructions."
At the First Congress of People's Deputies, I was elected a member of the Supreme Soviet. I joined the committee on economic reform, considering it the most urgent. And there were remarkable economists, and now living Academician Oleg Timofeevich Bogomolov, and the outstanding Pavel Grigoryevich Bunich, unfortunately, the late, future first Prime Minister of Lithuania, the iron lady Kazimira Prunskienė. Began to study the market economy. But then they send me instructions: knock out benefits for the shepherds. There are many shepherds throughout the USSR, but my shepherds, I speak from the rostrum, work in the highlands 3-4 kilometers away, these are the features. Recorded Kyrgyz shepherds for benefits.
After new recommendation: help tobacco growers. I speak, I tell how during the war years Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin sent Winston Churchill Armenian cognac and our Kyrgyz tobacco. He broke benefits for tobacco growers. Then - water must be accumulated in the Toktogul reservoir. Decide to support. And so I won points. That is, if before that I was treated as a scientific worker, then the Supreme Council turned me into a politician.
Later, it was added to my asset that only two of the delegation - myself and Chingiz Aitmatov - voted for the abolition of the 6th article of the USSR Constitution.
In 1990, tragic events took place in Osh. Thousands of people died as a result of interethnic clashes. Gorbachev sent a team there led by Aitmatov. Aitmatov offered to take me. I recommended Uzbek writers, cultural figures, also deputies. And we flew to Osh as a brigade. It was very efficient. And thanks to Aitmatov, Mikhail Sergeevich then showed determination, sent airborne units. They acted very smartly. Without bloodshed, they were able to neutralize, separate the warring, conflicting parties.
And then a wave of presidential elections began across the country ...
Askar Akaev - about how Russia scammed its neighbors into "wooden" rubles, and Britain secretly printed the Kyrgyz currency, about the traps of democracy and the cunning of imperialism, about how the "Tulip Revolution" looks from the cockpit of a bomber, about the art of renunciation of power, and also about big science, which is much nicer than big politics.
The collapse of the USSR was not instantaneous. "Independence", "sovereignty" - the most fashionable words of the political lexicon at the turn of the 80s and 90s. And of course, the main title - the president - has become something like a fashion brand for the leaders of the still Soviet and impoverished republics. Everyone paved the way to this Olympus in their own way - in accordance with the national characteristics of political traditions ...
- Askar Akayevich, after all, how did the president of the Academy of Sciences become the president of the republic?
- After the Osh tragedy, the situation in our political elite has changed dramatically. All applicants from the party nomenklatura failed in the presidential elections. A democratic faction was formed in the Supreme Soviet of the republic. And it occurred to them to nominate Akaev.
On October 26, 1990, we are sitting in the Moscow apartment of Academician Samarsky - there was such an outstanding mathematician - drinking tea. Suddenly they invite me to the phone. I don’t know how they found it, they are calling from Frunze. And the deputy of the Supreme Council says: "We, the democratic faction, have decided to nominate you for the presidency. You must be at the meeting tomorrow morning at 10.00." Listen, I say, I do not want to be president, I have no such plans! They began to put pressure, they say, he is obliged to come. Otherwise, we won’t be allowed into the republic at all. What to do? I had to go, relying on fate.
At ten in the morning I go into the hall of the Supreme Council. There are already 11 people on the list. They saw me, register the twelfth. And then the secretary of the Central Committee runs agriculture: "There is a proposal that all candidates read their programs only in the Kyrgyz language." I immediately realized that this was a pebble in my garden. No one has ever heard me speak Kyrgyz. They thought I didn't speak my native language. And even then, nationalist sentiments in the republic were strong. It's my turn. And I present the program in good literary Kyrgyz. The Secretary of Agriculture's jaw dropped.
In the end, I win by a landslide. "When will you form a government? Will a week be enough?" - ask from the ground. And I say: "Let's go right now." And I propose all eleven of my rivals to leadership positions. After all, behind each was a support group, tribal clans, and they represented the republic well. With a bang, this offer was accepted! They brought a box of champagne, started celebrating, because in the end everyone won. Awesome! Then we could pass any decision in this parliament. This is how my presidency began.
- Worked one percent success. And often so lucky?
- 14 years of presidency is not so little. Until the mid-90s, there were the most difficult years, but also the most fruitful. I then proposed the program "Kyrgyzstan - our common home" - the proportional representation of the Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Russians, Germans in all government bodies. The cultural program was very good. For example, we have built hundreds of schools with Uzbek in the south of the country, opened the Kyrgyz-Uzbek University in Osh. It became the best university in the Ferghana Valley. More students from Uzbekistan studied there than from Kyrgyzstan.
In the wake of the collapse of the USSR, the Kyrgyz language was the only state language in the republic. I had to introduce Russian by decree, and then convince the parliament to enter the constitution as the second state. Together with Boris Nikolaevich, we created the Kyrgyz-Russian (Slavonic) University. Yeltsin gave a command to the Ministry of Finance - they equipped them according to the first class, they recruited excellent professors. And he became best university Central Asia...
I understood that shock therapy is inevitable in the economy. Our land reform went well, according to the classical principles of the well-known economist Chayanov, and as far as trade and industry are concerned, everything was the same as in Russia. You can't follow there. The red directors appropriated everything... There was both inflation and hyperinflation. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan are the most backward republics in the USSR, deprived of energy resources. Our entire industry was part of the Soviet military-industrial complex. There was even a branch of the Space Research Institute. Everything has stopped! Including a high-tech factory for the production of torpedoes. test site I was in Issyk-Kul - this is one of the deepest lakes. Therefore, by the way, it was closed to foreign tourists. This is the perfect range. It still exists. And the plant is again breathing its last.
At my age, many leaders enjoyed the beauty of the place. Looking into the transparent depths, they could appreciate the local beshbarmak and fragrant red wine.
Even Boris Nikolaevich allowed himself a couple of glasses (it was already after his operation). The time when we drank vodka well, in Russian, was gone.
- Kravchuk said in an interview that they did not drink anything in Belovezhskaya Pushcha.
- Hard to believe. I don't remember a meeting where we soberly disagreed. I am not a big fan of this part, however, I do not remember this. Everyone enjoyed drinking. Although there were fierce disputes, discussions, sometimes picks took place in Novo-Ogaryovo. Yeltsin and Gorbachev did not have much sympathy for each other then, but when it came to drinking, they drank well. This Kravchuk is a little disingenuous. Moreover, in those days, Boris Nikolaevich was in shape. He, figuratively speaking, was a horseman.
- Let's go back to your presidential worries in the 90s.
- I understood that sooner or later Russia would be forced to reform the ruble zone. I read all this when I sat in the Supreme Council at night. Studied Schumpeter, Keynes, Friedman, this oracle of the monetary sciences, all the classics. I thought, if we don’t preempt, don’t introduce our own money before that, then, like a mudflow from the mountains, all the old rubles will sweep us away. And in 1992 he ordered in London to print the national currency - the som. We hid the money, no one knew about it. In May 1993, having hardly convinced parliament, I announced the introduction of the catfish. Soon Russia announced the termination of the circulation of old-style banknotes.
And before that, we are meeting in Tashkent, some kind of meeting on the CIS. And there Boris Nikolaevich reproached me for leaving the ruble zone: "Askar, we are friends with you. I always believed you. Well, how could you not call me?" "Boris Nikolaevich," I answer, "I'm to blame. They don't flog a guilty head from the shoulders." They seem to have reconciled.
Neighboring presidents tell me: you, they say, have ruined yourself, in the fall you will walk with outstretched hands. But everything happened, as in the classics: devalued rubles that were spinning undermined the economies of their neighbors. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan lost colossally. And Nazarbayev calls me, Karimov calls: "Did you know that Russia would carry out the reform, or maybe you agreed with Moscow? You are Yeltsin's favorite. He probably told you. Or Finance Minister Fedorov?" And we have stopped inflation. The catfish played its part. In the neighboring republics, our currency has become in demand, like the dollar. It was my big success.
- Why did the opposition breed on the political front?
- I proclaimed democracy. On a democratic wave, in fact, he himself came. And we have bred a lot of parties, non-governmental organizations. Thousand five. They were financed, fed by American organizations, all sorts of European ones. They started subversive activities.
- And what did not please the Americans?
- The Americans really liked me. They said that Kyrgyzstan is an island of democracy in Central Asia. They called me almost the Jefferson of Central Asia. Clinton, Bush received at the White House. After September 11, 2001, the whole world sincerely supported Bush Jr.'s initiative to combat international terrorism. Me and our neighbors too. Because a year before that, there was an invasion of militants from Afghanistan into Central Asia. We then lost 56 people. We fought for two years. Not a single Islamist was allowed through our territory.
And here is 2001, America. We decided to help her and help ourselves. They took a liking to the newly reconstructed Manas airport, the only airport with state-of-the-art radar equipment. The Americans radiated optimism: we will sit for a year, we will destroy the terrorists in a few months and leave. I believed that within a year. They sit there to this day.
The Chinese were the first to express concern. A member of the Chinese Politburo was visiting us. He figuratively said: "To invite God is an honor. But try to expel him." Russia also did not like this delay.
We met with Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. “I have an idea,” I say. “Not far from the capital there was a military airfield during the Soviet Union, where pilots from developing countries were trained. Hafez Assad, Hosni Mubarak learned to fly there at one time. There is excellent infrastructure. military base? You won't need a lot of money." He became very interested: "I must discuss this with our military." Literally the next day, he calls me: "Askar Akaevich, this decision has inspired everyone." I answer: "Come on! At least start tomorrow, I will pass the decision in the parliament. "Already in October 2003, Vladimir Vladimirovich and I opened this base in Kant. 
I can't tell you how happy the Chinese were - unlike the Americans: they wanted to reign supreme.
The assistant secretary of state arrives with a letter from Bush: "I have a confidential conversation with you. The geopolitical situation in the region is very complicated, and this requires that we keep one or two AWACS here." This key phrase is given out almost in a whisper. AWACS is an aircraft that carries a radar over its wing. There is AWACS, which has coverage within a radius of 1000 kilometers, in other words, if it rose over Kyrgyzstan, it sees Afghanistan, Iran, the entire northwest of China and all the way to Russia. I say, "I have two great neighbors, Russia and China, and a great partner, the United States of America. The arrival of AWACS is out of the question, because it is unacceptable from the point of view of my great neighbors." He left very dissatisfied: they say, think about it, you are on subsidies from international organizations.
There are two reasons why I fell out of favor: the Russian air base, which could control a lot, and the fact that I did not allow the Americans to place AWACS. And then there were revolutions in Georgia, in Ukraine. Euphoria! The American ambassador to Georgia was awarded for this. The US ambassador to Kyrgyzstan, apparently, also wanted to distinguish himself. They brought instructors from Georgia, Serbia, Ukraine. Huge sums of money were given to the opposition. Our republic was an ideal springboard: freedom of speech, hundreds of non-governmental organizations...
Freedom House opened a printing house and began printing opposition newspapers free of charge. Okay, they didn’t accuse me of anything, but then opposition newspapers began to be printed there for neighboring republics, for Kazakhstan. My colleagues, of course, were not happy.
- And how did the relations between the leaders of Central Asia develop in general?
- Very neighborly. True, when Saparmurat Niyazov, having plunged into gas money, pushed through the parliament the decision to call him none other than Turkmenbashi the Great, some colleagues began to tease him. They emphatically called him Our Great Supermurat.
A bitter smile was caused by the fact that Turkmenbashi abolished the opera and ballet theater, the Academy of Sciences. "What's all this for when there's gas?" he said. I had good relations with him, both studied in Leningrad. He did not consider me arrogant, which is why he often talked.
Here he died in a strange way. He had an excellent operation in Germany. I felt good. A month before my death, I was visiting him. We drank a bottle of cognac. Saparmurat got behind the wheel himself and took me to the airport. And suddenly sad news. There were rumors that it was connected with his successor. Nonsense! Here, apparently, other people should be looked for.
- What reasons did you give your opponents to throw compromising information on Akaev?
- The government dacha fell into disrepair, and it was decided to build a good modern building. We were to meet the SCO summit, and this is already a lot of presidents. And we started building the residence. And the enemies said that Akaev was building for himself. I had to prove, justify that it was for the guests.
As a result, now I don’t even have an apartment in my homeland. They took her. The main loss is the library. There, during the revolution, a significant part of the books were burned. I have collected a unique library during the years of my presidency! Knowing that I had such a weakness, they gave me some exceptional books everywhere. For example, the President of Iran sent a 14th-century edition of the poetry of Hafiz and Saadi! Then there are a lot of books on the history of the Kyrgyz, China.
- How did the fateful events of 2005 develop for you?
- In order for an aggressive and organized crowd to appear on the street, the opposition resorted to the help of crime. The two drug lords who controlled traffic along the "silk road" united their people. The southern drug lord brought about five thousand militants, the northern one mobilized about the same number. I began to fight drug trafficking honestly, I turned to the UN, to the Office on Drugs and Crime. There, the famous Italian was at the head, who successfully fought the mafia in Italy. We opened a drug control agency, which was financed by this department from UN funds, and they also collected donor funds. We even selected personnel ourselves, arranged an exam for employees of the national security service, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and military specialists. When a good salary, and began to work well. I remember the catch was colossal in those years. They crushed the drug mafia. It is on the offended drug lords that the opposition staked in the "tulip revolution".
I was ready for any turn of events. I did not imagine one thing: that they would bring militants. Everyone betrayed me, including the chairman of the NSS. Then he continued to work for Bakiyev. If I had known that not just peaceful demonstrators, but ten thousand militants would come, I would, of course, have acted in a completely different way. I thought about all the options for what to do. And he saw the only way out - to leave the republic.
- When did it become clear that Bakiyev and the opposition were making a revolution in a "dubious company"?
- Finally - after my departure. The southern drug lord spoke in parliament in such a spirit that it was he who decided the fate of the revolution and the fate of Akaev. He brought five thousand militants, and now he should be given a high government post. Then he ran for president, but he was shot.
The second was forced to flee abroad. In general, when they began to claim power, they were gone. But there were others who did not lag behind Bakiyev. They attacked the government house ... He was forced to come out with a bow to the third authority. He was also shot later. That is, Bakiyev had to pave his way with blood, because the crime that helped him demanded: either give power or property. They made a "tulip revolution" ...
- It's clear with drug lords. And how did your associates turn into oppositionists?
- Turned out to be careerists. Well, they worked under Akaev, why not work under someone else?..
As for the corruption that I was accused of, Bakiyev himself proved that Akayev had nothing. They created a commission headed by the prime minister, took an inventory and announced that they did not find much property. But they themselves, under this guise, divided everything that belongs to the state. A lot of things were taken away from businessmen. And the people were told that it was Akaev who turned everything into currency and took it abroad. They began looking for Akaev's billions abroad - in the US, Switzerland and other countries. For 500 thousand dollars they hired a foreign detective. Time passed, and in the end, Bakiev's Prosecutor General was forced to admit that not a cent of Akayevsky's was found.
- What options were considered for emigration from rebellious Bishkek?
- Only Russia. This is my second home. There were no other options for me. Nearest neighbors were excluded. That's why I came to the Russian air base, which I created with my own hands, and asked to be accepted. And, thank God, he left. After that, blood was shed.
Did you fly in a fighter jet?
- No, on an old bomber. There were no other planes there at the time. On a bomber, first to Kazakhstan, and from Kazakhstan - by passenger plane to Moscow. Right here, at the Embassy of Kyrgyzstan, in front of a large parliamentary delegation headed by the speaker, I read out a statement that I was resigning my presidency. He put an end to his political career... He returned to science. I was warmly welcomed here. Boris Nikolaevich was still alive. He helped a lot - both me and my family. The academic and university communities were also warmly welcomed. Viktor Antonovich Sadovnichiy offered an interesting job at the Institute of Mathematical Research complex systems Moscow State University. Back in 2003, I published the book Transitional Economy through the Eyes of a Physicist. Mathematical Model of the Transitional Economy. I thought: after all, scientists are rightly criticized for not being able to predict crises. Together with professors Korotaev, Malinetsky, Sokolov, we are developing new mathematical models. Already five years. A paper published last year with Sadovnichy predicted a second wave of the financial crisis. Mathematical calculations are based on the dynamics of oil and gold prices.
I am a happy person that I left politics for my favorite science!
- And under what conditions would you return to Kyrgyzstan?
- Yes, without any conditions. As long as I don't get hindered. Of course, I would like to go, I have not been to my homeland for six years. We often dream of our adobe hut in the village of Kyzyl-Bayrak. Asel-apa's mother. She was a Kazakh. Once we got into a conversation with Nursultan Nazarbayev, and it turned out that we are distant relatives. Such a round earth. And my father Akai Tokoev was a direct descendant of Tagai-biy, the supreme ruler of the Kirghiz tribes at the beginning of the 16th century. Under him, the Kirghiz defended their freedom from Mongolian yoke. The supreme ruler of the Sarybagys Atake-biy, who equipped the first ambassadors to Catherine II in the spring of 1785, belonged to the same family. They asked for Russian citizenship or hoped to get protection from foreigners. The empress gave assurances of support. In the autumn of 1787, Atake-biy received the Russian envoy Agaferov, who arrived on a return visit in the Chui valley. So the connections of the Kyrgyz with great Russia have centuries-old roots. They will not end with the story of Askar Akayev.
OLEG PERESIN
Journal "Itogi",
№№ - (-), 2011
Askar Akaevich Akaev(born November 10, 1944, the village of Kyzyl-Bayrak, Chui region, Kyrgyz SSR, USSR) - Kyrgyz statesman and politician, now engaged in scientific activities in Moscow. From 1990 to 2005 - President of the Kyrgyz Republic (until 1991 - the Kyrgyz SSR). In 1989-1990 President of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR. Foreign member of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Biography
- Born on November 10, 1944 in the village of Vorontsovka, Keminsky District, Kirghiz SSR, in the family of collective farmer Akai Tokoev. comes from the genus Sarybagysh.
- In 1961 he graduated high school with a gold medal.
- In 1968 he graduated with honors from the Leningrad Institute of Precision Mechanics and Optics and entered graduate school.
- In 1980 he defended his doctoral dissertation at the Moscow Engineering Physics Institute.
- In 1984 he was elected a corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR, in the same year he became an academician of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR. Askar Akaev - professor, honorary doctor and foreign member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, has about 150 scientific papers, 43 articles, 7 inventions. He prepared 20 candidates and 3 doctors of sciences. Seven of his students have won various awards. According to the largest specialist in the field of holography, academician Yuri Denisyuk, Askar Akaev "was able to achieve amazing results at the intersection of two areas - optics and computer technology, far ahead of his time"
- In 1989-1990 President of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR.
- At the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU in July 1990, he was elected a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
- On October 27, 1990, he was elected President of the Kirghiz SSR, which was established by the Supreme Soviet of the Republic.
- In August 1991, he sharply condemned the formation and actions of the GKChP, which were accompanied by bloodshed (issued a number of decrees to boycott the actions of the GKChP on the territory of the Kyrgyz Republic). Together with the Supreme Council of the Kyrgyz Republic, he announced the declaration of independence of the Kyrgyz Republic.
- On December 21, 1991, he arrived in Alma-Ata and took part in the creation of the CIS together with other presidents of the former Soviet republics; signed a number of international treaties and agreements to overcome the crisis.
- On March 2, 1992, he was present at the voting at the UN headquarters for the admission of Kyrgyzstan to the UN membership. I watched the raising of the flag of Kyrgyzstan near the UN headquarters.
- In October 1991 (in elections) and January 1994 (in a referendum), presidential powers were confirmed.
- December 24, 1995 - re-elected president for a second term. He was supported by more than 70 percent of those who voted in the elections.
- October 29, 2000 - re-elected president for a third term. He was supported by more than 70 percent of those who voted in the elections.
- In February 2003 (in a referendum) - presidential powers were confirmed.
- March 24, 2005 - as a result of a popular protest called the "Tulip Revolution", accompanied by a clash with the police, the encirclement of the presidential residence and its pogrom, Akaev managed to escape from the territory of the republic with the help of special services. Popular mass protests were caused by fraudulent elections, illegal changes in the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic, the withdrawal of democratic language and the alteration of articles of the Constitution for personal totalitarian purposes. An important factor in the discontent of the masses was family and clan corruption. During Akayev's presidency, a conflict situation was repeatedly brewing and political crisis. The Prosecutor General's Office of the Kyrgyz Republic, after Akaev's flight, opened criminal cases against him and members of his family, sending them to Russian Federation relevant requests for extradition.
- April 11, 2005 - de jure the parliament of the republic (Jogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic) accepted the resignation. According to the Kyrgyz Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he works as a professor at Moscow State University, holding the position of chief researcher at the I. R. Prigogine Institute for Mathematical Research of Complex Systems.
- May 2006 - was elected a foreign member of the Russian Academy of Sciences for outstanding research in the field of optical information processing.
- 2009 - coordinator of the subprogram "Complex system analysis and modeling of world dynamics" of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Askar Akaevich Akaev was born on November 10, 1944 in the Keminsky district of the Kirghiz SSR. In 1967 he graduated with honors from the Leningrad Institute of Fine Mechanics and Optics, having received the qualification of a computer mathematician. In 1967-1971, Akaev was a postgraduate student, in 1972 he defended his Ph.D., in 1981 - a doctoral dissertation.
In 1972-1988, Akaev worked at the Frunze Polytechnic Institute (now the Kyrgyz Technical University). In 1977, he was awarded the Lenin Komsomol Prize of Kyrgyzstan in the field of science and technology. In 1981, Akaev was awarded the Order of the Badge of Honor. In 1984, Akaev became a full member of the Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan, in 1987 - vice-president, and a year later - president of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan.
From 1981 to 1991 he was a member of the CPSU. In 1986 he was elected to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan, and then became a People's Deputy of the Kirghiz SSR. In 1989, Akaev was elected a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Later he was elected a member of the Chamber of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, a member of the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on Economic Reform. In 1990-1991 he was a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU.
In 1989-1990, Akaev began to be perceived as a compromise political figure, able to reconcile the parties that fought for power in Kyrgyzstan during the transition period. On October 27, 1990, at an extraordinary session of the Kyrgyz parliament, Akaev was elected president of the republic. In August 1991, he acted as an opponent of the State Emergency Committee. Subsequently, he refused the post of vice-president of the Soviet Union offered to him by President Mikhail Gorbachev.
October 12, 1991 during direct presidential elections Akaev was re-elected as president of Kyrgyzstan with over 95 percent of the vote. In February 1992 - May 1993, he headed the republican government. In January 1994, he held a referendum on confidence in himself as president to confirm his legitimacy after the adoption in 1993 of the new constitution of the republic. In September 1994, Akaev dissolved parliament and the following year held elections for a new Zhogorku Kenesh (assembly of people's representatives) of Kyrgyzstan. According to independent observers, the elections were held with numerous violations. December 24, 1995 Akaev was re-elected President of Kyrgyzstan for a second term. In 1998, the Constitutional Court allowed the president to run for a third term, and in 2000 he was elected for another five years.
The media pointed out that as a result of post-Soviet reforms, the leadership of Kyrgyzstan managed to stabilize the national currency, reduce inflation and attract a significant number of foreign investment. Akayev allowed the activities of opposition political parties, the publication of independent press, tried to prevent the emigration of the Russian-speaking population, and gave the Russian language an official status in the republic. In foreign policy, he advocated the establishment of partnerships between states and regions. Kyrgyzstan was the first of the CIS countries to join the WTO. At the same time, the opposition argued that economic policy Akayeva contributed to the enrichment of the president's relatives and supporters and led to an aggravation of social contradictions in the republic.
On March 24, 2005, the "Tulip Revolution" took place in Kyrgyzstan - a bloodless coup d'état supported by the majority of the population. Akaev fled to Kazakhstan, and on April 5, 2005, he wrote a statement about the voluntary resignation of the powers of the President of Kyrgyzstan. In August 2005, Viktor Sadovnichy, rector of Lomonosov Moscow State University, invited Akaev to give a course of lectures at the Institute of System Mathematics. In May 2006, Akaev was elected a foreign full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. On October 6, 2006, the press service of the Prosecutor General's Office of Kyrgyzstan reported that 106 criminal cases were being investigated against Akaev's relatives and his inner circle.
Askar Akaev has many awards and titles, is a full member of the New York Academy of Sciences, the Islamic Academy of Sciences, and an honorary professor at Moscow State University. In 1995 he was awarded the prize of the International Unity Fund, established on the initiative of Jawaharlal Nehru. During his scientific activity published over 150 scientific papers, including 15 monographs, textbooks and manuals.
Best of the day
Akaev's wife Mairam was the only "first lady" in the world who had degree. Managed the Meerim International Charitable Foundation. The Akaevs have four children. The eldest son Aidar is married to the youngest daughter of the President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev, he worked in the largest Kazakh bank Kazkommertsbank. Participated and won in the first round of parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan in March 2005, fled the country after the revolution, but is still a member of the Jogorku Kenesh. Akaev's daughter Bermet is a former member of the Jogorku Kenesh. She worked in Switzerland in the UN structures. In 2003, she participated in the creation of the Alga, Kyrgyzstan! movement. The younger children of the ex-president - Saadat Akayeva and Ilim Akayev - headed the public fund "Library of the First President".
That February call from the first lady from Bishkek is impossible to forget, although we talked quite often. Always restrained, delicate in an oriental way, she began any conversation with a question about the well-being of loved ones and traditionally continued: what do they read in Moscow? What theater premieres are they talking about? - this time sobbed into the phone. Has there been a tragedy?.. No. Worse.
The president of one Asian state, who was friendly to Akaev, handed over to Askar Akaevich an intercept - a report by the American ambassador to Kyrgyzstan, Stephen Young, to the US State Department. Still not fully understanding what it was about, she tried to reassure:
Mairam Duishenovna, all ambassadors write reports, all of Asia is teeming with intelligence services, what is so special about it?
But this report is dated December 30, 2004, and the day before, December 26, they received us as best friends! I so did not want to go to those guests, but we were persistently persuaded.
Probably, there was not enough compromising evidence for the report, which is why they were invited, - she joked not quite successfully in response.
Already now I ask Mairam Akayeva to remember in detail that evening almost ten years ago:
“The ambassador offered to celebrate Christmas with their families. The residence shone and sparkled. Ms. Yang, the head of some foundation associated with the democratization of either Eastern Europe or the whole world in general, was keenly interested in our life, our children. The ambassador was in shock. He said that they have a tradition of celebrating Christmas with their family and closest friends. He and AA talked about Jefferson, Napoleon and the intricacies of Japanese graphics. Of course, the conversation also touched on Kyrgyzstan. Stephen Young, in particular, said that AA did a lot for the democratization of the country, carried out successful economic reforms: "You are the best president in the CIS, but you would be the best president in any developed country". The only record I have left of that day. He spoke Russian well. So the communication was dynamic and interesting. Ms. Young and our eldest daughter Bermet talked about everything in the world ... ".
And now a word to the document obtained by Pakistani intelligence.
"From the perspective of the pre-election situation and in an attempt to ensure fair and democratic elections in the Kyrgyz Republic and maintain our positions in the media and contacts with opposition leaders, I propose to focus on discrediting the current political regime, and make Akayev and his followers accountable for economic crisis. We must also take action to spread the word about a possible tightening of political freedom during the election campaign.
This is the most valuable compromise of Akaev personally by disseminating information in the opposition media about his wife's involvement in financial fraud and bribery in the appointment of officials. We also recommend spreading rumors about her possible plans for the presidency, etc. All these means will help us form the image of a completely incapable president.
Significant is the increase in the amount of financial support to 30 million dollars to opposition parties for initial stage parliamentary and presidential elections and the formation of additional funds for NGOs…”.
"Inspire riots against pro-presidential candidates"
30 million dollars, like the previous 5 and it is still unknown how much, were worked out brilliantly. The most incredible rumors rallied the poor Kyrgyz people. Akayev was in full view, fables bounced off him, but his wife and children turned out to be an undeniable target. It's impossible to miss here. It remains only to assume that Mairam Akayeva, the wife of the President and the mother of two candidates for deputies, had to learn and endure. The laws of public struggle are nowhere in the world sterile. From ascension to crucifixion - one step ... It would seem that her foundation "Meerim" has raised many programs to support motherhood and childhood in a country 95 percent of which is occupied by mountains. Her sketches about scientists "Stars of Science" and the notes of the president's wife "Hope has no night" have been translated into many languages. But who would explain to us now why the people, to put it mildly, did not like Raisa Maksimovna Gorbacheva. One must die to be understood, she said bitterly...
The hatred was sown so deeply that it is still alive today: the Akaevs stole all the gold and the budget of poor Kyrgyzstan. Undoubtedly, the United States knew the real financial condition both the country and the president. The most zealous financial detectives began searching for the foreign accounts of Akaev and his family. Didn't find anything! But they were looking for it!
History has not yet given an answer, it is also held hostage by political technologists: who then came out with a protest - stoned militants or people who wanted change? Who ruled the country for 14 years: a democrat-scientist or a representative of the northern clan who privatized the country? Only for some reason the main Kyrgyz oligarch did not prepare spare palaces for himself, except for the state-owned Russian dacha ...
The fate of President Akayev was not decided on the square.
I remember our old, almost joking conversation: the CIS president comes to the Kremlin and says that the main strategic partner is Russia, he comes to The White house, says - USA. What will you not do in the name of the interests of your native country ...
During his visit to Washington, Akayev did not mix anything up, starting with the fact that Russia is primarily a historical, strategic ally of Kyrgyzstan, but his country is interested in building mutually beneficial and long-term relations with the United States.
Another quote from the same report by Ambassador Yang to the US State Department: "Taking into account the interests of our presence in the region and the development of a democratic society in Kyrgyzstan, our main goal - in accordance with previously adopted plans - is to increase pressure on Akaev to force him to resign after the parliamentary elections.Given that this is a plan of exceptional importance, we think that the current opposition is not strong enough to challenge the authorities, although Akayev has said that he is not going to renew his powers.
We know Akaev's supporters suspect that the opposition is preparing an election scenario similar to Georgia and Ukraine. This was confirmed by Akaev at the December meeting of the Security Council of the Kyrgyz Republic. In the event of an extension of presidential rule, Akaev will mainly seek support among the Russian-speaking part of the population and other ethnic minorities, as well as several thousand residents who are now earning in Russia. In this regard, for better planning of pre-election tactics, we must remember that Russia is the main employer in Kyrgyzstan. Both pro-Russian public opinion and the popularity of the Russian president are quite strong in some northern regions of the country.
According to materials sent to the State Department earlier, two formations are currently emerging in the political arena of Kyrgyzstan. They will compete for seats in parliament and then nominate their own candidates for the presidency. First of all, it is the pre-election bloc "People's Movement of Kyrgyzstan". In July 2004, he united six opposition parties, which nominated K. Bakiyev, the former prime minister, as the only candidate for the post. I think that he is the most acceptable candidate in terms of the fruitful development of relations between the US and Kyrgyzstan. I met Bakiyev several times and assured him of the support of the American president and government. Bakiyev expressed his willingness to take advantage of the support after his bloc's victory in the parliamentary elections...
... We also successfully continue to develop contacts with another opposition leader - R. Otunbayeva, former minister foreign affairs. Through funds earmarked for her, we have created a system of lobbying for the establishment and support of certain NGOs, as well as the organization of a unified media system for better coverage throughout the country of her statement about Russian non-interference in the internal affairs of Kyrgyzstan.
In order to ensure equal conditions and help the leaders of the democratic opposition to come to power, our main task for the pre-election period is to cause disrespect for the authorities and for the incapacitated corrupt regime of Akaev, his pro-Russian orientation and the illegal use of "administrative resources" in the elections. In this regard, the Democratic Commission at the Embassy, the Soros Foundation, the Eurasia Foundation in Bishkek, in cooperation with USAID, organized politically active groups of voters to inspire them to riot against pro-presidential candidates."
Who is afraid of Akaev?
This year, he was never able to fly to his homeland for his brother's funeral: in Kyrgyzstan, where he had not been for almost ten years, they did not guarantee safety. Someone continues to be afraid of Akaev, who gave up power without firing a shot. Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who replaced him, was overthrown by a new revolutionary wave (98 people were shot dead in the central square in Bishkek alone, hundreds and hundreds died in the south), now he has taken refuge in Belarus. Political scientists in modern Kyrgyzstan have been speaking out loud since the time of President Almazbek Atambayev, what is the true cause and price of all Kyrgyz upheavals.
It seemed that the events of February-March 2005 happened unexpectedly. The opposition, dissatisfied with the results of the parliamentary elections, raised the people to rallies, which eventually ended in robberies, looting and the seizure of power. The President was forced to urgently leave the country.
The Akaevs are Kirghiz Petersburgers. Both came to study in Leningrad in the target direction. In uncompromising Soviet time defended dissertations: he - doctoral, she - candidate, gave birth to two children. When it became clear that there were no prospects for housing in St. Petersburg, they returned to Bishkek, which was then called Frunze. Akaev will soon head the republic's Academy of Sciences and be elected a delegate to the Perestroika Council of People's Deputies of the USSR. There, in Moscow, his friends will find him and, together with Chingiz Aitmatov, will persuade him to urgently fly to Bishkek and take part in the elections of the head of the republic. So unexpectedly in 1990, Akaev was elected on an alternative basis and headed Kyrgyzstan.
After 15 years, Chingiz Torekulovich will notice: "Akaev's softness became a lever in the hands of the opposition." And his neighbors in Central Asia still hold power in their hands: Nazarbayev in Kazakhstan, Karimov in Uzbekistan, Rakhmon in Tajikistan…
"My last order is not to shoot"
Here are excerpts from the very first interview with RG, when the whole world was wondering where Akaev, who had left the country, was:
How do you assess the events of the last week in Kyrgyzstan?
Askar Akaev: This is an unconstitutional seizure of power with the use of street riots and a violent assault on the Government House.
What really happened on that tragic day?
Askar Akaev: On March 24, the united opposition, dominated by radicals, scheduled a protest rally in the main square of Bishkek. All this time we have been negotiating with the opposition and hoping that the rally will be held without excesses.
However, not having time to start the rally, the opposition gave the command to storm the Government House. Moreover, about 10 thousand people were involved. Of these, several thousand are trained militants brought in from other regions of the country. Then they added more criminal elements released from prisons. The police, the national guard, who guarded the Government House, did not use weapons, but they were severely beaten.
When the seizure of Government House began, I gave the last order to the Minister of the Interior: under no circumstances should weapons be used. I thought and still think that even a drop of shed blood, even one victim, is not worth preserving personal power.
In those hours, you made the most difficult, it seems to me, decision in your life to leave Bishkek.
Askar Akaev: Yes, I had no prior plans to leave the country. Although in previous days, the secret services reported that the leaders of the radical opposition decided to remove the president from the political stage and simply deal physically with the president and his family. On March 24, I witnessed the beginning of the assault with my own eyes, when this whole crowd beat and humiliated the police, the national guards, and my employees. At the same time, I received information from neutral people who kept in touch with the opposition that the intentions regarding physical elimination were serious. "You must leave the country. Otherwise, if you fall into their hands, you will not remain alive."
Many now say that democracy and Asia are incompatible. You built the first democratic state, your neighbors built authoritarian regimes, and in the end, democracy punished you.
Askar Akaev: I believe that everything that has happened is the result of forcing democratic processes, which was pushed by some international organizations that wanted to speed up democratization in a revolutionary way. And what happened, I consider the costs of these new technologies to speed up democratic processes, which are being undertaken by the international revolutionary international. In our conditions, as you can see, they ended in a terrible nightmare, pogroms, robberies ...
The Collective Security Treaty Organization, they say, offered you its assistance the day before to resolve the situation. Did you not use them?
Askar Akaev: Of course not. Since this is still an internal, internal political problem, and there was no threat from outside, therefore, I believed that it would be inappropriate to involve the Collective Security Treaty Organization in this issue. ("RG", March 30, 2005)
The price of revolution
What happened next is well known. The number of migrants has tripled in comparison with Akaev's times. Almost a million people have left their homeland. Today, migrants' remittances make up a third of the republic's GDP - more than one and a half billion US dollars. The lowest inflation in the region has jumped to 25 percent and is only now "coming to senses". The republic will simply not survive the third revolution.
From Akaev there was a high-mountain highway Bishkek-Osh, reconstructed Manas and Osh airports, the first international satellite telecommunications system in Central Asia, which made it possible to switch to digital systems connections...
Alas, not a single major project has been implemented over the past decade.
Akaev sincerely wanted to turn Kyrgyzstan into a common home for people of different nationalities. He screwed his people with the history of the thousand-year-old Manas and self-esteem. At the same time, the Russian language was legalized on a par with the Kyrgyz language - the official one.
And in my memory from Kyrgyzstan forever - a three-day trip with Chingiz Aitmatov to the high-mountain village of Sheker, where he was born. There were national celebrations dedicated to the anniversary of the classic. Kyrgyz President Academician Akaev then delivered a brilliant 20-minute speech, first in Russian and then in Kyrgyz. The main thing for him in the work of an internationally recognized countryman: humanity must move from a culture of war to a culture of peace.
The hardest road ever.
Announce TV
On October 23, 2003, Russian Presidents Vladimir Putin and Kyrgyz Presidents Askar Akaev officially opened the Russian air base in Kant. Photo: press service of the President of Russia
On November 10 at 18:15, the Kultura TV channel will show a film about famous physics and mathematics, foreign member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, academician Askar Akaev - "A visionary without mysticism. Askar Akaev." Many famous scientists talk about him, including the rector of Moscow State University Viktor Sadovnichy: in the early days of the "Tulip Revolution" he instantly called the overthrown president of Kyrgyzstan and invited him to the university, to his department, to the Institute for Mathematical Research of Complex Systems, which he heads.
“I visited Kyrgyzstan on university business. I always met with Askar Akayevich, regardless of the post he held (president of the Academy of Sciences or president of the country. - Ed.). More than once we discussed until late at night about chaos, Prigogine's themes, nonlinear dynamical systems."
The film is popular science. Akaev tells how a hologram stores memory: tear a photograph in half, one part of it will never restore the whole. And in a hologram, let's say Monomakh's cap, only one point can restore the entire volume. And its weight is 698 grams? ...
There is no politics in the film. Just a touch question: the mathematician Akaev now models and predicts crises of the world economy, but why was he powerless before the crisis in his country? "Yes, I didn't succeed. But now new people have come, they have to do it, given our mistakes."
And that's it. Exceptional storyline. The scientist went to power, and now continues to publish scientific papers, gives lectures, leads graduate students. This is not for every ex-president in terms of strength and talent. Life after the revolution, after the resignation, did not end. With one "but". Continues in Russia - in Moscow and St. Petersburg.
Editorial
"Rossiyskaya Gazeta" congratulates Askar Akayevich on his jubilee! Let's add: the first representative office of "RG" in Central Asia, in Bishkek, was opened with the assistance of the first president of Kyrgyzstan.
Letter
Dear Askar Akaevich!
I heartily congratulate you on your meaningful anniversary! I congratulate my dear Mairam, Bermet, Aydar, Sadat, Ilim, grandchildren and granddaughters on this bright event, all those who love and appreciate you as a wonderful person and a great scientist. If poetry is an attempt at a conversation between a person and God, then physics is a meaningful communication between a person and the Creator. You are the brightest poet-physicist and physicist-poet!
Life is given once, and how to live this short divine miracle is left to the person himself.
You lived your seven decades (I pray that you live as many more!) creatively bright, humanly meaningful, beautiful, poetic.
Tajiks say: "Lightning first of all hits tall trees!". If the lightning of fate passed through you mercilessly, then it is better to be a tall tree on the top of the mountains than a bush on the edge of a dusty road!
Dear Askar Akaevich!
It is true that memory is stronger than time! The Tajik people will never forget the help, sympathy and experience of the Kyrgyz people, your desire to bring peace to the Tajik Home. Grateful Tajiks will always remember your fraternal, heartfelt sympathy and invaluable help in the days of our national tragedy - fratricidal war!
And for me and my family, you and Mairam did what my parents, who died early, could not do. God knows, if it weren't for you, I wouldn't be here today.
Kyrgyzstan has become forever dear to me and my family, and for many Tajik refugees, a second home:
Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Manas zheri, Manasistan.
"You are my unsung song!" -
My tumarym, my talisman!
generous land,
My poem is my dastan
splendid country,
My great Kyrgyzstan!..
Dear Askar Akaevich!
Once again, please accept my most sincere congratulations!